The Reign of Omukama Chwa II Kabalega 1870-1899

Nyoro sources unanimously assert that the greatest achievement of Kabalega was military. His major task on assuming the throne was to reform and reorganize the army which had fought so well for him during the succession war. He called his new army the Abarusura. This army was different from the traditional one known as obwesengeze. With this army, Kabalega became not only the head of state but also the commander in chief of all the Armed Forces. The institution of the Abarusura had a modem ring in it because it involved the transfer of military leadership from the Saza Chiefs to a new group of men who were professional soldiers and who took order from the King. This was a very important change in the base of political power in the land.

The army was divided into regiment/battalions each with 1500 men. Each battalion was put under the command of a royal, courageous and well trained soldier. People could become commanders irrespective of birth. That is why his force was led by the Bairu commanders such as Rwabudongo, Kikukule and Ireta. Battalions were given task names such as Ekidoka, Ekihukya, Ekiporopyo, Ekigwera, Ekikabya, Ekihabya and the like. The commanders of each of these battalions were appointed from their respective battalions. This was different from the traditional Army ‘obwesengeze’, which consisted volunteers from each province of the Kingdom and were commanded by their respective provincial chiefs. These were in most cases Biito princes and were not directly responsible to the King. The political and military implications which these two systems of recruitment bore on the strength of the Kingdom can be understood. The regimental system of which Kabalega introduced meant that the Abarusura was a state army which derived its powers from the King . It suited the centralised political system which he had introduced. While the volunteer system which operated before, made provincial chiefs to be semi-autonomous. These provincial chiefs hardly took orders from the King. That is why secessionism and intrigues had retarded the political development of Bunyoro-Kitara for a long time and had almost led to her collapse by the middle of the 19th Century.

However, by 1890 Bunyoro was a power to reckon with in the whole of the interlacustrive region. It had conquered Toro and subdued all other provinces which attempted to secede such as chope and Bugungu. It posed as a potential threat to Buganda and Nkore which through centuries had gradually extended their borders at its expense. With the administrative and military reforms, Omukama Kabalega had-consolidated his power and rallied all his people together. The Kingdom of Bunyoro Kitara became once united and all elements of rebellion and intrigue which had existed were curbed out.

With internal peace, any form of development takes off and it was the case in Bunyoro-Kitara during Kabalega’s reign, particularly in the field of economic-development. After the session of Toro, Bunyoro had lost the vast salt resources of Lake Katwe and Kasenyi. With internal instability its own salt working industry had declined. When Kabalega re-organized the Kingdom and installed hope and confidence into his people, the human and natural resources were utilized to the full. Toro which had been re-conquered in 1870 and the salt works at Katwe and Kasenyi coupled with those of Kibiro earned the Kingdom the capacity of supplying salt throughout the interlacustrine region. The iron working industry revived and Bunyoro became the main supplier of hoes to all areas north of the Lake Kyoga. In fact some accounts reveal that regular markets were established along the northern shores of Lake Kyoga. Bunyoro market masters were appointed to run these markets. The markets were established purposely to trade in Bunyoro hoes, which would be exchanged for foodstaffs from the neighbouring region.

Equally so, the salt markets which had been in operation before Kabalega were re-organised, and many were established to trade in salt and other products throughout the kingdom. Kabalega did not only encourage internal trade but also stimulated external trade. The old slave trade was replaced by the ivory trade and Bunyoro benefited from having two exits to the international market. Bunyoro’s ivory could be exported either through Cairo or the East African coast. Ivory was exchanged for guns and ammunition, brought by Khartoumers and Swahili Arab traders. Unlike the salt and iron trade which was an occupation of the peoples, ivory trade was the King’s preserve. All the ivory throughout the Kingdom would be collected and brought to the king’s palace. It would be traded there. Since it was exchanged for guns and ammunition, the concentration of its sale at the King’s palace was intended to prevent lawlessness in the Kingdom. Also they never wanted ivory to be smuggled to the neighbouring areas without the King’s notice.

Kabalega introduced the public works system (oruharo), in order to rehabilitate what had been destroyed during the war. People could work on state farms for production of food like millet. The surplus food would be stored in underground granaries, ‘enguli’. The stored food would be used during times of famine.

Kabalega was very much concerned with problems of national unity and reconciliation. He urged his people to pull together and work together towards a common destiny. He used the Ganda threat to appeal for unity as the following song sung by a Murusura in front of Kabalega testifies:

I own goats and the Ganda
Are planning to come over and
size them. The Ganda are vowing to
help each other and fight. When the Ganda
come over, we should aid each other;
we should love each other.
I, the omurusura of omukama,
By your highness, I will have to do
something -1 swear, I will beat them off.
I vow to die with his Highness.

There were many similar songs devoted to the theme of national unity and reconciliation. Indeed Kabalega was a remarkable nation builder.

He encouraged intermarriages between the three historical social groups of Bunyoro, to forge greater unity. Kabalega set the fashion where he married a Mwiru lady. She was called Achanda (affectionately remembered by her family as Elizabeth). She hailed from the Ritwanga village of Chope (now Kibanda county). It is worth nothing that Achanda’s family had refused to identify themselves with Mupina’s rebellion and had migrated southwards. Kabalega met her at Bugahya Hoima and made her his Queen. He rewarded her parents with presents including servants. Altogether Kabalega had 150 wives and 150 children. They came from all groups and according to oral evidence they were all beautiful.

Whether or not Kabalega was completely successful in his efforts at national reconciliation is difficult to tell. But what is certain is that during his period there were no rebellions. The country enjoyed peace and stability. This equilibrium was upset by the Anglo-Ganda combination against Bunyoro in the 1890’s.

Kabalega’s great power and influence gave his people that self-confidence and pride in them selves which they had not known for some generations past. To all Banyoro, he was a focal point and a symbol of unity.

With the Abarusura Army of 10 main battalions (bitongole) each between 1,000 and 2,000 men and 5 minor (Bitongole), each between 400 and 500 strong, all stationed in strategic positions inside the kingdom and on the borders of the Kingdom, Kabalega felt he was in position to fulfill yet another of his ambition namely to regain if not all of the former Bacwezi, empire. The change of events at the time, however, worked against him. He attempted without success to play a role of broker in the Buganda civil war. Moreover his name had been spoilt on the European side by reports of Baker and Stanley.

KABALEGA AND THE EUROPEANS

Europeans, as mentioned before, first came to Bunyoro during the reign of Kamurasi. Speke and Grant, the first two Europeans were given a warm welcome by Kamurasi and when they were going away he sent along some people (messengers to look after them until they reached his boundary). These were followed by Samuel Baker in 1864. He came back in 1872. When he returned, he was no longer a private explorer, but Sir Samuel Baker, the Governor – General of the Equatoria Province. He had been appointed by Khedive Ismail of Egypt to fulfill for him his imperial ambitions in the Sudan and northern Uganda. By 1872 Baker had already established his headquarters at Gondokoro and was carrying the Egyptian flag and commanding an Egyptian Army. Baker understood northern Uganda to include the whole of Bunyoro and hence part of the Equatorial province. He was to annex it formally. When he arrived to annex the territory, he found that his friend Kamurasi had died and it was his son Kabalega in control of the Kingdom.

The relations between Bunyoro and the governor rapidly deteriorated. In 1872 he (Baker) publicly annexed Kabalega’s country to the Egyptian Empire. The young monarch was now fully convinced that his fears were justified. He attacked Baker’s garrison at Masindi …

Forced to withdraw ignominiously to northern Uganda, Baker published, in 1874, his Ismaili in which, in an attempt to justify his failure he deliberately poisoned his countrymen’s minds against Kabalega and his Kingdom.¹

It was from that angle in time that the imperialists conception of Bunyoro hostility to themselves was accepted for a fact and British officials attitude to Bunyoro came to be conditioned against this background. Kabalega never wrote his own version of the events, but even if he had done so, his would be side stepped as that of a native against the whiteman’s version. Therefore, without exaggeration Baker’s most remarkable achievement in Uganda was the creation of lasting misunderstanding between Bunyoro and the British officials. The consequences and importance of this clearly unfolds and becomes apparent as the story progresses.

Contrary to what Baker reported and according to reports given by Birigirwa Kabonerwa, the jester to King Kabalega and Jardeen Omubali (soldier in casati’s Army), Kabalega had no enemity against Europeans, as long as his independence was kept intact. In the reports Kabonerwa and Omubali made to King Sir Tito Winyi, it is stated that when Baker returned to Bunyoro on the 25th April, 1872 Kabalega was very happy to see the friend of his late father back again. He showed every hospitality to him. He had no doubt that Baker would extend his friendship to him and hoped to remain on peaceful terms. Kabalega was not barring his people to go to foreign lands or of sending some of his people to Egypt to acquire new knowledge.

In doing this, Kabalega was being assisted by an Arab Mr. Ebrahim (known in Bunyoro as Burahi). He had stayed in Bunyoro, since Kamurasi’s times. Burahi had already understood Baker and Khadive Ismail’s intentions on Bunyoro. So Burahi sent word to Kabalega that Baker had planned to add Bunyoro to the Egyptian Empire. That is why he came with a powerful Army to fight the King if he tried to resist his will. Burahi also advised Kabalega to be careful when talking and not to put up a fight against Baker because the latter had a very superior Army. The Arab advised Kabalega that if ever Baker gives you a pistol with its muzzle pointing at you, do not lake it from his hands. He will have loaded it, so that you might shoot yourself. Ask him to place it down first. Kabalega kept all these things in heart and watched.

BUNYORO – KITARA KINGDOM

BUNYORO KINGDOM

When Baker came, Kabalega watched him and found that he was pursuing the same plan that Burahi had mentioned. Kabalega adhered to the Arabs advice, without showing any sign that he knew Baker’s plans. Generous as he was, he went on to give food and heads of cattle for meat to Baker’s soldiers. This act of generosity forced Baker’s soldiers to disclose their master’s intentions on Kabalega. The soldiers were of Bari, Bagingo and Bameka tribes. What they disclosed was exactly what Kabalega had learnt earlier. Kabalega had already given orders that wherever in the country Sir Samuel Baker and his lady passes, people should help them as best as they can by feeding them, their people and so on, until they reach him.

A few days afterwards. Baker who had been lodged near the King’s palace (600 yards away), sent to the King that he should order for the gathering of all his people because he (Baker) had an important message to deliver. This was at Bulyasojo (Masindi 1872). The King then passed the information to the chiefs. All chiefs, subchiefs and heads of clans and other personalities gathered together in a big council. The King came and informed the people that Baker had asked him to call all the people for an important message. The King then sent for Baker to come and say what he wanted to say. Samuel Baker came with all his soldiers stood on guard outside while he entered into the council hall. When he entered, he proclaimed that, the Kingdom of Bunyoro-Kitara was under the Equatorial administration, and therefore the King and his people were subjects of Egypt. In this instance, he never declared that Bunyoro was to be put under her majesty’s Empire but just mentioned that it was under the Egyptian government.

The chiefs, in return asked Baker whether there were to be two Kings in Bunyoro. Baker could not respond. He instead ordered his soldiers to hoist the Egyptian flag and put down the Bunyoro-Kitara flag. The King sent a messenger Mbogo Omumizi (the interpreter) to Baker to ask him to explain what all this meant. He ordered him to ask Baker that if there was any change in the Kingdom Baker should call him and his advisers and agree to the change, or he should come and discuss the matter with him, or if he could not come, he should ask the King to go to him (Baker) together with his advisers to discuss the matter and make it clear to every body, showing the reason why Bunyoro was to be added to Sudan and the Equatorial administration. But Samuel Baker could not send any reply and for this reason the King sent the messenger to him again that he and his advisers might see Baker. Baker insisted that only the King was to see him. According to the customs of Bunyoro, the King could not move alone. He had to move with his servants. When Baker saw them, he could not let the chiefs in, but only the King. The King refused to enter the lent unless he was allowed to go in with his chiefs. He knew what Baker was all about. Then Baker rebuked the King saying: “What a proud little child you arc.” The King replied, “I am a king and you call me a child”.

But Mrs. Baker begged her husband to let them in and Baker accepted. When they had sat down. Baker brought a loaded pistol and handed it to the King with the muzzle pointing to him (Kabalega). Kabalega refused to take it and instead asked Baker to place it on the ground, from where he would pick it. Baker’s intention in this plan was to ensure that if Kabalega handled the pistol with a muzzle pointing to his direction, he would touch the trigger and shoot himself.

When Kabalega had picked it he observed that it was loaded. Baker, on realising that Kabalega had unfolded his intentions, he pretended that he had forgotten and handed loaded pistol to the King. Besides that Baker’s soldiers had already started committing many acts of annoyance to the people in order to provoke war against Kabalega. They entered chiefs enclosures and raped their wives. They looted properly and forced Kitara men into sodomy with them. These unbearable acts were reported to the King and the King requested Baker to prevent his soldiers from doing such things. This he did not do. Still trying to find out whether Baker was for peace or war, Kabalega again sent his usual messenger Mbogo Omumizi to establish whether an agreement was to be made or not. Baker just arrested and executed Mbogo at once. When the King heard that Mbogo had been executed, he sent another messenger called Bagunywa to ask why his messenger was killed. He met Baker on the way coming to attack Kabalega. Bagunywa did his best to tell Baker what the King had sent him for, but no success was met. A man who had accompanied Bagunywa rushed immediately and informed the King of the forthcoming Baker’s attacks. Although Kabalega had heard the attack he did not prepare for war at once. But his chiefs advised him to leave the palace, which he did. He left one of his chiefs Bikamba s/o Kabale to wait and ask Baker why he came to attack him when he was not prepared to go to war. Baker did not listen to Bikamba.

Bikamba was about to be put to death had he not escaped cunningly. He set fire on the palace and burnt down everything before him. The King’s granaries were all destroyed. When the people were annoyed beyond measure, they decided to attack the foreigner who had burnt down their King’s palace and waged war against an innocent King.

Baker escaped into northern Uganda. The King’s soldiers who delayed to surround his camp hoped that Baker after destroying the palace kept inside his tent. Two days after wailing in vain for him to come out, they decided to go in but found none. Because of the emptiness, the battle was coined, ‘Ekya Muleju Baligota Isansa,’ meaning that to fight Baker you will fight nothing.

When he was fleeing, he passed via Chope to Gulu where he established a fort. There he remained and ordered for the reinforcement so that he could go back and fight Kabalega. He prepared the second attack because he had promised Ruyonga that he would overthrow Kabalega and put him on the throne. This proved to be very difficult for him to fulfill. Ruyonga county chief and appointee of Kabalega had told lies to Baker that he had been King of Bunyoro, but Kabalega had deposed him.

In 1876, another European, colonel Gordon replaced Baker as Governor of the Equatorial. He established his forts in Buruli near River Kafo. Gordon’s knowledge of Kabalega was solely and absolutely obtained from Baker’s reports – the worst possible source by any standard. He put soldiers in the fort. His chief commander was called Nuahr Aga. This caused a great deal of anxiety to the omukama and the people because it was done without the knowledge of the King. During the same year Gordon brought Nubian soldiers and established forts in Bunyoro at Bugungu, Kibyama, Kisuga near Masindi. All these were provocative acts but the King decided not fight.

In 1878 Gordon was succeeded by another curious and complex German Doctor, Emin Pasha. Emin Pasha got on well with Kabalega. He seemed not to have swallowed Baker’s reports wholesale. He spoke highly of Kabalega:

Kabalega is cheerful, laughs readily and much, talks a great deal and does not appear to be bound by ceremony the exact opposite to Mutesa the conceited ruler of B Uganda. He is thoroughly hospitable and intelligent.²

However Emin Pasha, further observed that Kabalega was suspicious of all Europeans, an observation which was accurate because Kabalega had already understood the intentions of Europeans on his country. The Europeans had to look for a pretext to attack Kabalega, because Kabalega was a powerful ruler in East Africa whose power would render the establishment of colonial rule in the region very difficult.

THE CONVENTIONAL WAR AGAINST BUNYORO

The next phase in the Anglo-Bunyoro relations opened in 1890 following the arrival of captain Fredrick .F. Lugard, the representative of the Imperial British East African Company (I.B.E.A.). He arrived in Buganda on 18th December 1890. He was sent by the British government to secure control of Buganda by means of an agreement and extend the territorial claims of the IBEA Co. to the west of Buganda. Lugard who had Baker’s reports in mind, got further prejudiced against Kabalega when the Baganda informed him that Kabalega was a very hostile King, who never welcomed foreigners and hated Europeans. They misrepresented Kabalega in the eyes of Europeans. From Lugard’s own writing, it is exposed that he never considered the possibility of negotiating with Kabalega, the latter was irrevocably cast as villain of peace. He regarded Kabalega as having lost any claim to indulgence.

In 1891, Lugard moved towards western Uganda, hoping to raise more troops to defend his company. He left Captain Williams in charge of Kampala. When he reached Ankole, he signed a treaty with the Omugabe Ntare on 1/7/1891. This was because he believed Nkore was of strategic value, since some of the arms reaching Kabalega were ferried through Nkore.

The arrival of Lugard in Toro proved a great tragedy for Kabalega. Lugard destroyed Kabalega’s forces at Muhokya, Katooke and Butanuka. On 15th August 1891, he restored Kasagama. He had moved along with him from Buganda where Kasagama had been a refugee. After a treaty of protection, Lugard continued to Kavalli at the southern tip of Lake Albert. At Kavalli, Lugard’s forces armed with modem weapons found it easy to beat an unprepared force of Kabalega. Kabalega was expelled from Toro and a line of forts was built along the Toro-Bunyoro border, purposely to stop Kabalega from reinvading Toro. Kabalega did not keep quiet but kept on attacking the British Forts. He interrupted communications and stopped the British from getting the necessary supplies.

When Lugard returned to Britain and Portal came in, a policy of withdrawing forces from Toro Forts was pursued. This gave chance to Kabalega to invade Toro and expel the British puppet Kasagama. Kasagama was chased by Ireta and Rwabudongo into the foothills of the Rwenzori mountains. Owen the British officer was compelled to evacuate Toro.

Unfortunately Portal was succeeded by Macdonald and Colonel Colville who discarded Portal’s policy. These officers were determined to restore British prestige wherever possible and silence men like Kabalega. Macdonald concluded that a full scale invasion of Bunyoro and the subjugation of Kabalega was the only way open for British influence to be secured in the region. Owen was instructed to prepare for the invasion of Bunyoro after Colville himself was convinced that nothing short of a military expedition could pacify Bunyoro into accepting British supremacy.

When the British had spread their military preparedness, military invasion of Bunyoro was accordingly planned to be undertaken with the help of Baganda. In 1893, Colville issued an ultimatum to Kabalega notifying him that: Unless in the meantime, you send me guarantee for your good conduct in future and substantial indemnity for damage done in the past, I and my army would cross your frontier within 21 days of the date of writing.

Kabalega never sent a reply and in December 1893, Colville invaded Bunyoro with a force of eight European officers, 400 Sudanese and 1,500 Baganda. Kabalega who would have stayed more serious resistance made a mistake and divided his force into four scattered divisions. He was forced to abandon his capital Mparo and retreated to Budongo forest to organise his forces. In his retreat, he was so tactical enough that he did not offer Colville any chance of a pitched battle Colville had thought. He however, slipped back towards Mparo and fought the Anglo-Ganda force at Kisabagwa. He was chased to Kisindizi, then to Kibanda. Having realised that Kabalega could not easily be captured Colville decided to divide the kingdom into portions, so that Kabalega could be confined to the norther portion. The Barusura who had been forced to get scattered, started to resist in hide-outs under Kabalega’s distant leadership.

Although Kabalega had been chased out of Bunyoro into Lango, he started a guerilla warfare in which he continuously attacked British forts. In 1895, Kabalega slipped back to Bunyoro and attacked the British at Kijunjubwa near Masindi. It is estimated that he beat a twenty-thousand British-Ganda-Nubian strong force in which one British officer by the name of Dunning was slain. The British led troops were forced to return to Hoima for re-organisation. The return of Kabalega encouraged all those enemies of Britain to gather and fight Mwanga of Buganda too joined Kabalega and was met at Biiso by Ireta.

However, in the battle which ensued Kabalega was attacked by the British at a place called Harukungu, in which many people were killed. Among those who died were two of Kabalega’s brothers and many of his sons. Prince Karukara, the Queen mother Kanyange Nyamutahingurwa and princes Victoria Mukabagabo were taken into captivity.

Kabalega continued his guerilla warfare throughout 1897. In 1898, he returned to Northern Bunyoro and the British post at Hoima was destroyed. Mwanga who had joined Kabalega to fight against British colonialism, split his forces into three groups; the first was dispersed in north Ankole, the second in southwest Bunyoro and the third in the region of Kijunjuba. Ireta deployed his forces between Budongo forest and Fajao and Jasi moved his force from Foweira towards Masindi port. A number of minor engagements took place.

Between June and July, 1898 the 27th Bombay Light Infantry Force rigorously patrolled northern Bunyoro and cleared the area of Ireta and Kikukule’s forces. Fajao and Foweira were re-occupied. Ireta and Kikukule were confined to the east bank of the Nile. Kitahimbwa, son of Kabalega, who had been imposed as a new Omukama by the British travelled to Masindi in September, accompanied by Lewin of the Church Missionary Society, and Thomas Senfuna a Muganda Evangilist, where they established a church of reeds and grass. Senfuna was left to continue with missionary work in Masindi while Lewin returned to Bulemezi. At this lime, Bunyoro was truly in pitiful state. War had been followed by plague, pestilence and famine. The food supply of the country was perilously near starvation level. Cultivation had almost ceased.

In October 1898, Kabalega’s forces crossed the Nile from Lango into Buganda and ambushed a patrol in north Buruli. Reinforcements later dispersed them and they retreated towards the Bugoma forest.

Columns operated in southwest Bunyoro until December when Ireta was attacked in the Budongo forest by the British. By January 1899 most of Kabalega’s forces had given up themselves and it was estimated that only thirty remained on the west bank and seventy on the east bank of the Nile.

The end was almost near. In March 1899, Lt. Col. Evatts moved into Lango to discover where Kabalega was and break up the resistance. When Kabalega realised that Evatts had crossed, he re-organised a strong rear guard to resist him. He was assisted by chief Adora of Lango. Mwanga, whom they had fled together, realised that things were worsening and suggested to Kabalega to surrender, but Kabalega answered: Everything has its own time appointed; a woman travelling with a child reaches a time of deliverance; so does a cow; the banana is planted and takes root; but when it arrives at fruition, it must fall; and now we have reached the hour of our fate; and if so be that our appointed time to die has come, let us not be faint-hearted.

On 9th April, 1899 the two leaders were discovered at Oyom near Kangai in Dokolo county of Lango where they were driven into a swamp by Evatts troops. Kabalega, although, he had an infection of the eyes, resisted courageously. He was only forced to drop his gun after bullets struck his right arm and his left hand thumb. After his capture, Kabalega persuaded his son Duhaga to tear the bandages from his injured arm so that he might bleed to death in order to fulfill the Kinyoro tradition that an incapacitated Mukama should die. But the attempt was frustrated. Eventually the arm had to be amputated. Kabalega and Mwanga were taken to Kismayu and later to the Seychelles, where Mwanga died in 1903. Kabalega spent 23 years in exile and was guarded by a British officer and local constables. He learnt to read and write and was Baptized John. By Baptism and literacy, the British thought that this could be – potential weapons by which they would reconcile their adversary to the new colonial subjection. Kabalega died in 1923 at about 70 years of age while on his way back to Bunyoro. His death paralysed the Banyoro. Every activity came to a standstill and laughter at that time was considered a national insult. His body was brought and buried at Mparo (Royal Village) where an imposing grass structure protects his grave. Although the Europeans boast that even Kabalega passed through the ritual of colonialism, the ritual was not entirely effective since he requested that no European type of roofing should ever be used to cover his corpse.

References:

1. G.N. Uzoigwe: Op. cit. p. 2-13

2. J.W. Nyakatura Op. cit. p. 123-171

3. Report by the department of antiquities: titled:- Kabalega in the History of Uganda: G EAU (81/02) (02) [1973:1/2 p. 1-5.4. S.R. Karugire: Op. cit. p.57-58

5. The Bunyoro’s Claim of their Lost lands, NO C.3, East African Standard Limited Nairobi, 8th March 1948 P.4-22.